A U.S. Air Force F-16 fighter jet takes off from a base in the Middle East, Jul. 23, 2026. (CENTCOM via X)

1. Iran took aim at U.S. forces over the weekend and killed four servicemembers, and the United States targeted Iranian targets with renewed intensity. Washington must get serious about finishing the job in Iran and examining how to best protect our troops.

• Tehran’s depravity: Over the weekend, the Iranian regime’s desperation and depravity were on full display as it killed three Army air defense personnel – Pvt. Isabella Gonzales, Sgt. Angel Rampersad, and Lt. Tyler James – in housing units at a Jordanian air base that hosts U.S. forces. Sgt. Michael Swinton was also killed in Iraq while disarming a downed Iranian attack drone. The U.S. military responded to the regime’s aggression against U.S. forces and international shipping by carrying out nightly attacks against targets in southern Iran all week, but more can be done.

• Stand with Amman: Iranian strikes in Jordan have underscored why Amman is a key U.S. partner in the region. While Jordan has traditionally taken a more careful approach to stay out of Iran’s crosshairs, Iran’s recent attack on Jordan’s only maritime gateway has changed the equation. This has forced Amman to begin abandoning its balancing act and pin blame mainly on Tehran, explains FDD’s Ahmad Sharawi. To support Jordan, Sharawi urges Washington to facilitate Amman’s deeper inclusion in the U.S.-led regional air and missile defense architecture, strengthening its capacity to intercept Iranian missiles and drones.
• The nuclear angle: Even as other aspects of U.S. operations in Iran come to the fore, Washington has not lost sight of its principal objective, eliminating the Iranian nuclear threat. Asked about Pickaxe Mountain on Tuesday, President Trump said, “We’ll be hitting that area pretty soon and very heavily.” Already a deeply buried centrifuge manufacturing facility, Pickaxe Mountain may also be the site of Iran’s next undeclared uranium enrichment plant, Western intelligence indicates. This construction could pave the way for Tehran to restart its enrichment and weaponization efforts. FDD’s Andrea Stricker explains that “Washington must now demand immediate, unrestricted IAEA access to determine exactly what Iran is doing at Pickaxe.” If the regime stonewalls, military options to disable the site should be on the table, she adds.
• Defending freedom of navigation: Iran’s attacks on commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz have been one of its most powerful pieces of leverage. Now, the Houthis, Iran’s proxy in Yemen, are executing a similar playbook in the Red Sea. Earlier this week, the terrorist group announced a blockade of Saudi-linked shipping through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait – the Red Sea’s southern entrance – and yesterday, it struck two Saudi oil tankers transiting the waterway. Washington cannot ignore further threats to already-strained energy corridors in the Middle East. The United States has spent centuries steadfastly defending the principle that no state may condition passage through international waters. FDD’s Reuel Marc Gerecht and the CFR’s Ray Takeyh explain that the only way to counter this threat is by reclaiming the Persian Gulf and patrolling it, despite the hazards.
• Secure Iranians’ internet access… for America’s sake: While Starlink terminals have provided some Iranians an information lifeline during regime internet blackouts, Iranians have relied on volunteer networks to bring in the terminals without any government’s help. Internet infrastructure will define Iran’s next chapter. FDD’s Miad Maleki explains, “Whoever builds resilient, jam-resistant, direct-to-cell satellite access now will own trust and market share in a nation of 90+ million the second sanctions lift and rebuilding begins.” It is in America’s strategic interest to be that partner to the Iranian people. That is why Senators should support S.Amdt.5902 and S.Amdt.6327 in the FY27 NDAA and why House leaders should support their inclusion during conference.

➡️ Read more about how these bills strengthen U.S. support for internet freedom in Iran and why the FY27 NDAA is the natural vehicle for their passage here.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at a joint press conference with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte in Kyiv, Ukraine, Jun. 3, 2026. (Photo by NATO)

2. Even as Ukraine locks in battlefield successes, it remains vulnerable to Russian air attacks. At the same time, sanctions risks are exposing limits to Beijing’s support for its partners in Moscow.

• Ukraine’s got the momentum: “Ukraine’s growing mid- and long-range strike campaigns are pressuring Russian logistics and bringing the war home to Russia to a degree not seen since the war began,” FDD’s John Hardie tells us. Kyiv has all but halted Moscow’s frontline advances, and Russian President Vladimir Putin even admitted last month that Ukrainian strikes were causing problems for Russia, noting shoring up air defenses was a top priority. Over the past week, Kyiv has hit nine warehouses owned by an online retailer that doubles as a military goods vendor, causing billions of dollars in damage. Kyiv’s operations in Crimea, where it has spent weeks hammering Russian logistics networks, have been another point of success. Not only are these advances a morale boost for Ukrainians, but they are also an embarrassment Russia cannot easily hide or fix.
• Ukrainians still under attack: Even as Kyiv locks in battlefield successes, Ukrainians are not safe from Russian attacks. Last weekend, Moscow launched one of its largest ballistic missile barrages on the Kyiv region since the war began, killing at least six civilians and wounding dozens. With some half of the 40-plus missiles finding their targets, Russia’s weekend assault underscores the need for Washington to step up its air defense assistance to Kyiv.
• Protect Ukrainian skies: The White House recently moved to help address Ukraine’s air defense gap by approving Ukraine’s bid to independently produce Patriot interceptor missiles. This license and the recent unveiling of a cheaper Patriot interceptor are positive steps toward safer Ukrainian skies. “However, both of these efforts will take years to come to fruition and should not be seen as substitutes for providing Ukraine the assistance it needs to defend itself against Russian aggression,” FDD’s Ryan Brobst tells us. Additional air and missile defense capabilities would allow Ukraine to better protect its power grid, which came under attack this week, Brobst notes. Moreover, long-range strike capabilities like the inexpensive, air-launched Extended Range Attack Munitions (ERAM) could let Kyiv target Russian missiles before launch.
• Sanctions create leverage: Chinese suppliers are reportedly refusing to sell propulsion and steering systems for Russia’s icebreaker fleet unless Washington lifts sanctions. While this is positive news, Beijing is otherwise heavily invested in Moscow’s sanctioned Arctic energy sector. It may even be using the sanctions risks it cites to demand lower prices, better terms, or greater control over Russian Arctic projects. Nonetheless, this development shows U.S. sanctions still create leverage, explains FDD’s Max Meizlish. It also highlights the potential impact on Russia if Washington were fully to enforce U.S. sanctions on, say, those supporting Russia’s Arctic energy buildout.
• Push for sanctions: With Ukraine’s recent successes and even China hitting limits in its support for Russia, now is the time to ratchet up the pressure. Congress can do its part by passing Sens. Darline Graham (R-SC) and Richard Blumenthal’s (D-CT) Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia Act of 2026 (S. 5025). This bill would significantly escalate U.S. economic pressure by expanding mandatory sanctions on Moscow and leveraging targeted tariffs to pressure the world’s largest purchasers of Russian energy to stop funding Russia’s war of aggression.

President Donald Trump hosts a bilateral meeting with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun in the Oval Office, Jul. 21, 2026. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

1. President Trump hosted Lebanese President Joseph Aoun at the White House on Tuesday as Lebanon and Israel take the first steps to implement the U.S.-Israel-Lebanon Trilateral Framework signed at the State Department late last month.

• Implementing the plan: Aoun’s White House visit was the first by a Lebanese president in 17 years, highlighting the trust President Trump has placed in him to advance the landmark Lebanese-Israeli detente. The framework agreed to in Washington last month instituted “pilot zones,” where Israel withdraws forces from specified areas in a test of the Lebanese government’s ability to keep Hezbollah out. Aoun’s visit this week coincided with the launch of these pilot zone operations and Israel’s cession of security control over the first three designated villages. Now the test of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) has begun.
• Dismantlement before withdrawal: Although Aoun thanked Trump for brokering the framework agreement, he also sought U.S. pressure for further Israeli withdrawals without offering a comparable timetable for Hezbollah’s dismantlement. In reality, Aoun is pushing for Israel to quit Lebanese soil so that he can avoid a difficult, long-delayed confrontation with his fanatical, Iran-backed countrymen (read: Hezbollah). FDD’s Mark Dubowitz explains that it is the Israeli army which, at great expense and risk, cleared terrorists from the region. On the other hand, the LAF, which has failed to deliver on decades of pledges to impose Beirut’s authority, is merely being asked to prevent Hezbollah from returning.
• No negotiating with terrorists: Unfortunately, Aoun has already taken positions that hollow out the framework, insisting this week that Hezbollah’s disarmament cannot be achieved by force. While Trump voiced openness to speaking to Hezbollah, Dubowitz cautions it would be unwise for him to buy into Aoun’s inverted logic and elevate the Iran-backed terrorist organization to the status of an interlocutor. If the conversation does happen, it should cover just one topic: the timetable for Hezbollah’s capitulation.
• What comes next? The summit’s ultimate success depends on if Aoun treats Hezbollah’s disarmament as an enforceable state obligation rather than an aspiration dependent on the group’s consent. In practice, that means Cabinet-approved plans, timetables, verification, and defined consequences for obstruction. “Lebanon’s very real constraints cannot again justify American acquiescence to indefinite Lebanese inaction,” write FDD’s David Daoud and Ahmad Sharawi. Trump should underscore that only verified action will yield American support; whereas “delay, prevarication, or attempts to rewrite Lebanon’s obligations, whatever the reason, will bring suspended assistance and targeted punitive measures,” Daoud and Sharawi recommend.
• Read more: Congress should direct funding to the LAF units implementing the pilot zones and release funding gradually as the LAF verifiably meets defined benchmarks. FDD Action’s Tyler Stapleton and FDD’s David Daoud make the case for leveraging American aid to deliver results here.

A view of the White House during springtime, Mar. 26, 2019. (Official White House Photo by Joyce N. Boghosian)

2. The Trump administration announced the Gold Eagle initiative last week to improve government-industry vulnerability coordination, but its success depends on a legal framework for private sector participation.

• Initiative launched: Gold Eagle focuses on finding and fixing cybersecurity vulnerabilities that have become much more visible to potential attackers thanks to AI-driven probes that find weak points far faster than any human analyst could. These vulnerabilities include system weaknesses that attackers can exploit to steal information, disrupt operations, or gain unauthorized access. “If implemented effectively, Gold Eagle could significantly improve the federal government’s ability to respond to AI-enabled cyber threats at scale,” note FDD’s Leah Siskind and Nidhi Ummettala.
• AI demands faster coordination: Historically, agencies relied on security contractors, vulnerability disclosure programs, and bug bounties to catch flaws. AI has upended that model by accelerating the discovery of vulnerabilities faster than agencies can patch them and resulting in a mounting backlog, explain Siskind and Ummettala. Gold Eagle aims to close that gap. The initiative brings together key players in AI, cybersecurity, and critical infrastructure to coordinate the identification and remediation of cyber vulnerabilities and give defenders prioritized, actionable information.
• Safe harbors, workforce, and hardening: For Gold Eagle to succeed, it will need companies to voluntarily share newly discovered vulnerabilities and other sensitive information with it. However, firms will hesitate to disclose this information if doing so invites liability, antitrust concerns, or reputational risk, warn Siskind and Ummettala. To draw participation, the pair explain that Gold Eagle will need statutory safe harbors and clear legal authority from Congress similar to how Congress confronted similar barriers when it enacted the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act of 2015. It is also critical that the Gold Eagle platform is built with strict security measures that protect the sensitive data it collects, given its high value as a cyber target.

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and NASA Administrator Jared Isaacman return from a flight over the Kennedy Space Center and Cape Canaveral Space Force Station, Merritt Island, Florida, Feb. 2, 2026. (DoW photo by U.S. Navy Petty Officer 1st Class Alexander Kubitza)

Protect the architecture Space Force relies on.

As China and other U.S. adversaries rapidly field counterspace weapons, the Space Force increasingly depends on a hybrid space architecture that integrates government, commercial, allied, and partner systems. That reliance could improve resilience, flexibility, and battlefield awareness, but it also creates more openings for attacks. This exposure will give adversaries stronger incentives to strike commercial and allied satellites through cyberattacks, electronic warfare, supply-chain compromise, and data manipulation in a future conflict.

FDD’s Emmerson Overell explains how Congress can ensure these systems are built to survive hostile action, not merely to expand capacity.

• Evaluate cyber standards for commercial providers. Congress should require the Pentagon to report on the cybersecurity and resilience standards for commercial systems that are integrated into Space Force missions. That report should identify which mission areas depend on commercial systems, the minimum cyber and engineering standards for contractors, and how those standards are verified. It should also identify whether commercial systems can keep supporting military operations in degraded or contested environments.
• Stand up a joint space-cyber test range. Congress should direct the Defense Department, the intelligence community, and relevant civil space agencies to explore a joint space-cyber test range or recurring wargaming environment. These exercises should simulate a range of attacks against satellite systems and test whether Washington can defend, recover, and maintain operations while under attack. Key allies and commercial partners should be included as well to strengthen interoperability, coordinate responses, and increase awareness of space threats.

A poster from 1918 encourages citizens to write a postcard and lobby Congress in support of daylight saving time. (Library of Congress photo)

⏰ Turning back the clocks: Twice a year, Americans are reminded of an age-old (and some would argue dangerous) tradition in which the country collectively forgets and eventually remembers why they feel so tired or well-slept. But a faithful contingent in Congress stews year-round about how to eliminate this ritual before it again torments Americans, and this time, it may work.

• Daylight savings for war: The practice of setting clocks an hour ahead each spring shifts more daylight into the evening until clocks “fall back” to standard time in autumn. While it’s definitely a benefit, DST wasn’t created for later sunset picnics. Congress instituted it during World War I to save energy by reducing the need for artificial lighting, repealing it when the war ended. Not long after, daylight savings made its return year-round during World War II to conserve fuel and “promote national security and defense,” gaining it the nickname “War Time.”
• And as for today: The end of WWII also brought the end of set rules for DST and, with it, two decades of confusion for the transportation and broadcast industries. That was until the Uniform Time Act of 1966 finally set uniform start and end dates for the DST season, which the Energy Policy Act of 2005 eventually extended.
• Finally time for change? On July 14, the House passed Congressman Vern Buchanan’s Sunshine Protection Act (H.R. 139) to make DST permanent by a whopping 308-117 vote. The idea isn’t new either. In 2021, then Senator Marco Rubio’s similar bill passed the Senate by unanimous consent, but now, the bill’s prospects are uncertain.
• And what’s the big deal anyways? Americans don’t cope well with lost sleep. The Monday after Americans “spring forward” and lose an hour of sleep, hospitals report a 24% spike in heart attack visits across America. One study also found a 6% spike in fatal car crashes the week after the spring transition.

Follow along: We’ll be monitoring the Sunshine Protection Act’s progress and keeping you updated. In the meantime, if you’re curious how this bill would hit your hometown, The Washington Post built a map for that here.