April 16, 2026 | The Long View

The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the New Space Race

April 16, 2026 The Long View

The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the New Space Race

The Long View: Hitchhiker’s Guide to the New Space Race
5 min read

On April 10, the Artemis II crew splashed down off the coast of San Diego after completing a flyby mission to the Moon. The spacecraft traveled around the Moon’s far side before being slingshotted back to Earth. This is the first time humans have returned to the Moon since Apollo 17 in 1972, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) plans for future Artemis missions to establish a permanent Moon base.

Artemis II’s accomplishment is not just about space exploration and human achievement. It has serious national security implications for the intensifying U.S.-China space race.

Building a permanent American presence on the Moon will reinforce U.S. global leadership, enhance our capacity to operate in space, and counter Beijing’s own Moon ambitions.

If the United States does not move decisively, Washington could be hurtling toward a Sputnik moment that sees Beijing establish Moon dominance first – and with it, control over a frontier that could define great power competition this century.

The Moon as a Core Element of U.S. Grand Strategy

When the Soviet Union launched Sputnik in 1957, it exposed gaps in America’s scientific and industrial capacity, shaking the nation’s confidence to its core. Only after the United States landed astronauts on the Moon did it reclaim dominance, while the Soviet Union never recovered.

The stakes today are just as consequential. As Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee Chairman Ted Cruz (R-TX) underscored, “Space is not symbolic. It is strategic.”

What makes the Moon once again so critical is its water deposits, which can be converted into rocket fuel. Using the Moon as a space gas station would allow spacecraft to carry a mere fraction of the total fuel needed for their mission during the punishing initial ascent through Earth’s thick atmosphere.

The weight savings could be transformative: lighter spacecraft and space-based refueling would open the door to more ambitious, longer-term missions deeper into space.

If the United States, in cooperation with its partners, gains robust access to the Moon, America will strengthen its space operations in Earth’s orbit – including the Department of Defense’s communication and surveillance satellite networks. In the longer term, it will also bring more distant reaches of the solar system within grasp, leaving rival nations at a lasting disadvantage.

Bringing the Chinese Threat into Focus

But America has competition: Beijing threatens potential U.S. leadership in space and on the Moon. China has expanded orbital capabilities, constructed infrastructure beyond Earth, and promoted competing governance frameworks to isolate the United States.

The pace of China’s advancements is what is most concerning. Beijing has made remarkable progress since it executed its first lunar mission in 2007. It has successfully positioned rovers on the far side of the Moon, brought surface samples back to Earth, and established satellite relay networks to facilitate current and future missions.

This year, Beijing will launch a mission to the Moon’s south pole with a water-seeking lunar hopper to search for water and inform where China should build its lunar base.

Comparing U.S. and Chinese lunar timelines, America appears to be ahead of Beijing, beginning on-site lunar base construction in 2028 before China does in the early 2030s. But one scientist at the Planetary Science Institute warns China’s upcoming mission will put China “ahead of everyone else by at least one year, but probably several years.

We might have a base built on the Moon before China, but if Beijing can build its installation in a better location – closer to water deposits – it could hold the advantage.

Moreover, while the 1967 Outer Space Treaty outlaws any nation from claiming sovereignty over the Moon, it also prohibits interference with other parties’ activities. In practice, this means that whichever country establishes operations near the Moon’s water deposits first might be able to exercise functional control over those resources under international law.

China also challenges U.S. international space leadership. While the United States founded the International Space Station and spearheads the Artemis Accords, China is building competing initiatives intended to draw partners away from U.S.-led coalitions and allow Beijing to write the rules for the new space race.

The Solution Lies with Legislation

China’s rapid progress toward a permanent lunar presence demands that the United States redouble its own efforts. The Trump administration’s new budget proposal for FY 27 could be a boon to the Artemis Program.

It would allocate an additional $1 billion to the initiative, raising its overall budget to $8.5 billion. The increased funding would support all aspects of landing and transporting astronauts on the Moon. It would also include funding for robotic missions to help establish a lunar base.

NASA has also updated its Artemis Program timeline, adding Artemis III in 2027 to test equipment in Earth orbit and revealing a three-phase plan to establish a permanent moon base.

Starting with the Artemis IV mission in 2028, the first phase will send equipment and technology demonstrators. Phase two will then deliver early infrastructure for a limited manned presence. Finally, phase three will see the deployment of more robust infrastructure for a permanent base.

Congress will also have to step in for NASA to meet its ambitious timeline. Title II within the NASA Transition Authorization Act of 2025 (S. 933) and the NASA Reauthorization Act of 2026 (H.R. 7273) would require the NASA administrator to brief Congress on progress toward increasing space launch system (SLS) launch frequency – a critical step for completing all the missions required to build an entire Moon base.

The matching provisions would also ensure NASA leverages U.S. commercial providers and international partners to achieve lunar mission objectives while reducing cost overruns and schedule delays. NASA will already rely on SpaceX to provide Artemis IV’s lunar lander, but the firm could be contracted to take on an even greater role.

These provisions also broadly enhance the U.S. space strategy. By working with international partners, America influences them to adopt U.S. standards and integrate into American-led infrastructure, rather than Beijing’s alternative frameworks.

Congress must pass the authorizing legislation and provide the necessary funding to keep the Artemis program on track, while mobilizing commercial and international partners to ensure America defines the future of space ahead of China.

Tanner Nalley is an Advocacy Associate at FDD Action. Before joining FDD Action, Tanner interned at the American Enterprise Institute and in the U.S. House of Representatives. Tanner holds a degree in international relations from George Washington University, where he concentrated in security policy, focusing on subjects like space power and the Middle East. You can contact him at [email protected].

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China Cyber